Monday, March 31, 2014
Sunday, March 23, 2014
Monday, January 13, 2014
Musical Chairs in AICC
The only ray of hope for the Congress party’s fortunes
post 2014 reflected in heir apparent Rahul Gandhi’s decision to appoint Sachin
Pilot as the State President of Rajasthan Congress on 13th January.
Just when one was hoping that the new year will see many such bold decisions, the
Congress high command went ahead and appointed Arun Yadav as the new State
president of Madhya Pradesh Congress. Arun’s father Subhash Yadav was a senior
Congress leader who also served as Deputy Chief Minister under Digvijaya Singh
in the 1990s. But everyone knew that the reason for Subhash Yadav’s rise had
more to do with him being an OBC rather than his abilities as a politician.
While Sachin is seen as a young and ambitious leader,
but he still has to please the Meenas, Jats and the OBC’s if he is to revive
the Congress from the hammering it has just received in the Assembly elections
at the hands of BJP. He also has the aspirations of Ashok Gehlot’s son Vaibhav
to deal with, but he is relatively new to politics. Jitendra Singh is more at
ease staying in Delhi helping Rahul Gandhi as an organization man. So the field
is clear for the young Pilot to start afresh.
Arun on the
other hand is not as young as Pilot, and one hopes can spring a pleasant
surprise for the Congress in the state. But with the BJP winning for the third
time in a row, Congress is on the brink of fading out completely just like the
BJP was in Delhi during Sheila Dikshit’s regime. Adding to his problems is the
fact that the next generation of Digvijaya Singh, Kantilal Bhuria, Kamalnath is
already ready to take on the mantle. While other senior leaders like Satyavrat
Chaturvedi and Suresh Pachauri are still around. Then ofcourse he has the likes
of Jyotiraditya Scindia, Meenakshi Natarajan and Priyavrat Singh (MP, IYC
President) to deal with. Adding to this is the fact that he is not considered a
bright bet will only make the task more onerous.
It is in this backdrop that the Congress headquarters at
Akbar Road are abuzz with preparations for the prodigal son’s coronation, it
will be foolhardy to expect a major organizational change on the cards. It was
almost a year ago that Rahul Gandhi was anointed Vice President on 19th
January, 2013 in Jaipur. Though Congressmen celebrated the elevation across the
country, but little has been achieved by the Party in the past one year. It was
wiped out from the same place of his coronation within a year.
The party has little to cheer about, it won Mizoram,
lost Delhi and Rajasthan while failed to dent the BJP in MP and Chhattisgarh.
But what has had a telling blow to the morale of the party is the emergence of
AAP. A party that thrived on abusing the first family of the Congress while
accusing the UPA of being the most corrupt Govt. Despite all this, the Congress
has ended up supporting AAP to help the one year old party to power in Delhi
and fire the imagination of the people fed with the same old political parties.
There was talk of one man one post in the Congress for
the past many years. When Rahul Gandhi took over as General Secretary of the
party in 2007, many thought he will relieve a lot of senior ministers of their
dual roles who are Union Ministers as well as party office bearers. Nothing did
change, there were similar talks when he was appointed Vice President last year
but status quo remained. Hence it will be prudent on our part to assume that
the same system will still rule the roost, at least for now.
Younger faces like Jyotiraditya Scindia and Jitendra
Singh who enjoy full support of the incumbent President will play a major role
in the 2014 Election strategy. The usual suspects of the IYC pass outs like
Ashok Tanwar and Meenakshi Natarajan may also get some assignment since the
party has to show it promotes leaders from SC/ST and middle class families too.
This is because most of the young leaders in the party are either sons or
relatives of regional satraps of the party. The tag of dynastic rule in the
party refuses to go despite Rahul trying his best to do so since his entry into
politics in 2004.
Most General Secretaries are likely to contest Lok
Sabha elections, especially the ones who are close confidantes of Rahul.
Madhusudan Mistry who got into Rahul’s good books after a comprehensive
research on candidates in Karnataka assembly elections. But his tenure as UP in
charge has been found wanting, and he will have to contest from Sabarkantha,
Gujarat. CP Joshi is the other senior leader who is considered very close to
Rahul, but he also failed to deliver when they were wiped out of Rajasthan in
December last year. He too will have to retain his Nathdwara seat from
Rajasthan in Lok Sabha elections. Other leaders like Digvijay Singh, Gurudas
Kamat, Luizinho Faleiro, BK Hariprasad too will have to fight it out in LS
2014.
The spade work for his coronation has already begun by
giving the party’s PR contract of Rs 500 crores to Dentsu India which will work
closely with Rahul’s team to make short films and advertisements to boost his
image in the public. While Burson-Marsteller will handle his social media by
creating a buzz with interesting tweets, debates on Twitter and Facebook. They
will also bring more awareness by hard selling UPA’s flagship schemes like
MNREGA, RTI, NFSB, DBT and the latest being Lokpal Bill. One can already see
younger faces like Randeep Singh Surjewala and Shoba Oza defend the party at
official press briefings.
But the work is harder than it ever was for Rahul
Gandhi. He has to convince the public which seems to be sure that UPA’s second
tenure has been full of corruption (2G, CWG, Coalgate etc) while his party has
already enjoyed the fruits of power for 10 years. He is also pitted against
Narendra Modi as a rival for the PM’s chair. Most political pundits will write
him off as a no contest against the well oiled PR machinery of BJP’s PM
candidate Narendra Modi. Perhaps Rahul too thinks that going the hi tech way
will improve his TRP amongst the public, but doing that will only make him
another follower and not a leader whom others look to follow.
The fear of Modi running away with the advantage seems
to be top most on the mind of the Congress think tank. That explains why the
sudden hurry to anoint Rahul as the supreme leader of the party and then
improve his image through seasoned PR companies. Adding to more speculation is
his sister Priyanka Vadra also attending the war room meetings of the Party.
While Rahul will be the face of the party, it will be Priyanka who will plan
the strategy for LS 2014 as the backroom operator. This will not only rejuvenate the party cadre, but will
also keep them guessing that all hope is not lost after LS 2014. Just like the
Manmohan Sonia combination, the Congress is now offering the country a brand new Rahul Priyanka
combination. The Congress may talk and advertise about its much hyped makeover, but the truth is that they only have a handful of families to share the spoils of power and be instruments of change. Only the name changes, the blend remains the same just like the grand old party.
Thursday, August 15, 2013
PM's Independence Day Speech
SALIENT
FEATURES OF PM’S INDEPENDENCE DAY SPEECH
1)
The Food Security Bill is now before Parliament and we hope it
will be passed shortly. This law will benefit 75 per cent of our rural
population and half of our urban population. Under the law, about 81 crore
Indians would be entitled to receive rice at 3 Rupees per kg, wheat at 2 Rupees
per kg and coarse grains at 1 Rupee per kg. This is the largest effort of its
kind in the whole world.
2)
We have been able to implement this law only because of the hard
work of our farmers. Our food-grain production reached a record level of 25.9
crore ton in 2011-12. The average annual rate of agricultural growth in the
11th Plan was 3.6, which is more than both the 9th and 10th Plan levels.
3)
We now see clear indications of enhanced economic prosperity in
our rural areas. In the period from 2004 to 2011, rural per-capita consumption
has increased four times faster than earlier. Rural wages have also increased
much faster in this period. MNREGA provides employment to crores of people in
rural areas.
4)
The number of young men and women going to college has more than
doubled in the last 9 years. Today, the Central government provides
scholarships to more than 2 crore children.
5)
Many new institutions have been opened in the area of higher
education. For example, 8 new IITs, 7 New IIMs, 16 new Central universities and
10 new NITs. New institutions have also been opened to boost scientific
research. Steps have been taken to attract students to the study of science and
encourage Indian scientists working abroad to return to India.
6)
About 11 crore children are being
provided afternoon meals every day in schools under the Mid-day Meal Scheme.
This programme is of immense benefit for both education and nutrition of
children.
7)
We had launched the National Rural Health Mission in 2005. The
Mission has started showing good results. Both Maternal Maternity and Infant
Mortality rates have come down sharply. A much larger proportion of children is
now born in hospitals. There has also been a large increase in the proportion
of children being inoculated.
8)
No case of polio has been detected in the country in the last
two years. We have been able to eradicate a disease which used to cause
disability to lakhs of people. The Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana, which
provides free in-patient treatment in hospitals to our poor brothers and
sisters, now covers about 3.5 crore families.
9)
About 2 lakh km of new roads have been constructed for
connecting villages under the Pradhan Mantri Gramin Sadak Yojana. More than
37,000 km of new highways have been built, facilitating travel and trade. More
than 40 airports have been built or upgraded.
10)
In 2004, only 7 per cent
of the people had telephone connections. Today, 73 per cent enjoy this
facility. In rural areas, this figure has gone up from 2 to 40. There has been
a record addition to our capacity for electricity generation.
11) I believe that this phase of slow growth in India will not last
long. In the last 9 years, our economy has grown at an annual average rate of
7.9 per cent. This pace of development is the highest in any decade so far.
12)
Our Look East policy in respect of
10 ASEAN countries in East and South-East Asia has borne good results,
especially in economic matters.
13)
We will start work on a number of
new infrastructure projects in the coming months. This includes 2 new ports, 8
new airports, new industrial corridors and rail projects.
To boost Foreign Direct Investment, we have recently enhanced the limit of such investment in many sectors and made it easier procedurally.
To boost Foreign Direct Investment, we have recently enhanced the limit of such investment in many sectors and made it easier procedurally.
14)
Computerisation of the Public Distribution System will be
speeded up. The Mid-day Meal scheme will be reformed.
15)
We have established the National Skill Development Authority a
few months back. We will shortly launch a new scheme under which those
who have successfully acquired new skills will be given a grant of about Rupees
10,000. This scheme will benefit about 10 lakh young men and women in the next
12 months.
16)
The Multi Sectoral Development Programme for minorities has been
reformed recently. We will now implement it effectively.
17)
A scheme for offering Minimum Support Prices for minor forest
produce has been approved some days back. This will enable our tribal brothers
and sisters to get remunerative prices for the minor forest produce they
collect. We will implement the scheme expeditiously.
18)
A High Level Committee has been constituted to collect accurate
information about the socio-economic, educational and health status of our
tribal population. The report of the Committee will help us in designing better
schemes for their benefit.
19)
The Aadhaar scheme is a good
example. Under the scheme, by the end of this year, about 50 crore people will
acquire the means of proving their identity and this will bring them
convenience in their daily lives. It will also enable crores of people to avail
of banking facilities for the first time.
Saturday, August 10, 2013
National Food Security Bill: Do we really need it ?
As the debate rages over the National
Food Security Bill (NFSB), much is being written about the pros and cons of it on
social media. The question of giving subsidy remains the moot question. At a
time when the economy seems to be going through one of its worst phases, does the
UPA doling out such an expensive scheme make any sense ?
Let’s go through the basic features
of UPA-II’s most ambitious project. The Bill aims to provide 25 kg subsidized
food grain per month to 75% of rural poor and 50% of urban poor. However, the poorest of the poor will get
their 35 kg of food grain per household every month under the Antyodaya Anna
Yojana (AAY). This scheme will target approximately 80 out of the 120
crore population in our country, and will require 60 million tonnes of
foodgrain every year. While the proposed coverage and entitlement is likely to
cost the Government about Rs 1,247,247 crores in 2013-14 while other
implication will cost approximately Rs 23,800 crores per year.
The UPA-II is confident that
this scheme will fetch them electoral results as General elections loom large
next year. This of course comes under the garb of UPA being committed to its pro poor image. Congress
party managers have realized that if they are to do well in the 2014 elections,
they have to focus on rural India.
Narendra Modi and his army
are in the process of taking over the BJP dominantly. His talk of Gujarat as a
development model along with overtones of aggressive Hindutva is slowly gaining
ground. And Congress knows that it will not be able to stop the Modi wave in
urban centres. Hence the National Food Security Bill becomes all the more
important.
It’s a bit ironic when people
complain about the Government spending so much money to feed our poor. They
never seem to notice the heavy bill that Government foots to subsidize petrol,
diesel, kerosene oil and cooking gas amongst the other things for ordinary
citizens like any of us. The fuel subsidy figure for 2011-12 stood at R1,38,541
crore in FY12 and R1,61,029 crore in FY13.
While no one is against giving
subsidized food grain to the poor, the question remains whether this is the
only way to feed them. Did UPA-II have no other option or did it take the easy
way out. Everyone in the system prefers temporary and convenient solutions rather
than permanent ones. Because doing that is not just an uphill task, but will
also expose the babu-politician nexus that has led to these loopholes getting way
too big for any Government to fix.
The first glaring issue that
comes to mind is “do we really need to procure so much food grain”. And even if
we do, where will we store it. On an
average, India wastes food grains and farm produce Rs. 54, 000 crores annually.
If we go by the claims of Indian Oilseeds and Produce Export Promotion Council
(IOPEPC), our country loses close to 21 million tonnes of wheat alone every
year. This amount is as much as a continent like Australia produces. And the
reason for this wastage is lack of storage and distribution facilities.
This is corroborated by Tariq Anwar, Minister of State for
Agriculture and Food Processing Industries. In his reply to a question in Lok
Sabha, Anwar admitted that losses of agricultural produce are worth nearly Rs
50,000 crores every year. This
includes 30% of our total fruits and vegetables produce, which are lost due to
lack of cold storage facilities. The same for food grains, 30% is lost through
our Public Distribution System because of storage constraints. Anwar also
added that as of July, 2012, India’s total storage capacity was around 70.5
million tonnes. But the Government procured food grains amounting to 80.5
million tonnes. The minister admitting to 10 million tonnes of food grain being
wasted on record.
India’s premier warehousing agency,
Food Corporation of India itself admits India lost 79 million tonnes, or nine
percent of total wheat produced over a four-year period from 2009 to 2013. And that’s
13% of our Gross Domestic Product (GDP) being wasted due to limitations of our
storage and supply chains. According to
a study by United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) in 2009, India also loses
21 million tonnes of vegetables and 12 million tonnes of fruits every year. Reason,
lack of cold storage facilities.
If we talk about storage facilities
in India, our estimated infrastructure can hold upto 29.7 million tonnes in
various cold storages across the country. But we have a cold storage
requirement that’s twice the present number at 61.1
million tonnes. Realizing the need for urgent attention, a National Centre for
Cold Chain Development has also been created to promote and develop cold chains
for perishable items like fruits and vegetables. Private partnership is being encouraged
through Private Entrepreneurs Guarantee (PEG) scheme.
If our Government focuses
more on creating infrastructure for storage of the hard work of our farmers, we
can aim to feed millions without actually putting so much pressure on the
Government exchequer. The 21 million tonnes of food grains that are wasted
every year can feed one-third of the people proposed to be covered under the National
Food Security Bill (NFSB).
A report on India’s Public Distribution System (PDS)
claimed that in 2005, 58% of the food grains from Central stock did not reach
the end consumer. Mainly due to non transparency and unethical practices that
gives the PDS a bad name. That explains Union Food Minister's helplessness at the PDS way back in 2009, when he said he was not happy with the way this system is being handled. If we can spend just a fraction of the money proposed
under the Bill on plugging the loopholes in our PDS. It will ensure that we can
feed another one-third of the remaining population under the scheme. We all know it’s easier said than done, but
someone has to bell the cat. This will
go a long way in exposing the corrupt in our system. Bring in people from
various walks of life like the Government did with UID and revamp the system.
That would leave the last
one-third of the people left, bringing down the budget of this scheme to somewhere
near Rs. 4,15,000 crores. Also the required procurement of food grains will go
down to approximately 20 million tonnes. The Government is making efforts to
curb misuse of PDS. Digitization of this
scheme is to be done in 12th Five year plan 2012-17. States and UT’s
like Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka, Kerala, Puducherry, Chandigarh and Delhi have already completed this
work while rest are working towards it.
What we also need to do is to
create simple yet effective methods to ensure we make the most of our produce
that just goes waste. We need to educate our farmers and encourage the well off
ones. The leaders of our agrarian society need to take charge and help build
storage facilities with the help of state governments. The Non Renewable Energy
ministry can be roped in to provide subsidy and practical schemes to help our
villages use solar power for longevity of their produce. Local entrepreneurs need to be given that
confidence and help to create small manufacturing units. Where the local farmer
can sell his produce, and the local businessmen can create packed products like
powder, paste, oils, perfumers and cosmetics etc. which gives a longer shelf
life to the same goods.
Industry needs to be
encouraged to be a part of this storage revolution. It has to be an all
inclusive package pushed by the Government, where all resources are harnessed
in the best manner possible. Farmer gets good rates and full payment of his
agricultural produce. Local entrepreneurs can value add to it by creating goods
and products for middle/urban class and make a name for themselves in cities. The big industry names need to tap these local
brands and create their national chain across the country. Industry needs to be convinced that the only way forward is when they walk hand in hand with our farming community.
Saturday, July 16, 2011
Swamy and the Mahatma
Janta Party President Subramaniam Swamy has definitely made a case for a Hindu Rashtra that would have surpassed the dreams even of the most rabid Hindu fanatic. He of course argues vehemently in favour of removal of Article 370 and resettlement of retired army personnel in J&K. Perhaps what learned Dr Swamy seems to forget is that this was one of the planks in which the BJP rode to power at the height of it's Ram Mandir campaign in the nineties. All of us know what happened to the noisy pro Hindutva agenda during the NDA regime. None of these issues were taken up, instead hard core terrorists were released who are still killing innocents in India from across the border. Preponing general elections once again showed how the NDA failed to feel the pulse of the people and their India Shining Campaign was a reflection of why the UPA came to power in 2004.
Well this would make one wonder as to why am I equating the NDA's fortunes with Dr Swamy. The purpose is to just reiterate that the people of India have consistently rejected such ideas which are too extreme in nature. Mr Swamy is right when he says that despite 800 years of Mughal rule, India still remained 75% Hindu. That is because if the inherent nature of our country, we reject anything that is forced upon us. The NDA lasted for 6 years not because it pursued an aggressive pro Hindu agenda, but because Atal Bihari Vajpayee gave it a moderate and practical look to the Govt.
In the first Election manifesto (1977), the Janata Party, had declared: "The Janata Party is dedicated to the values and ideals of Gandhiji. It is dedicated to the task of building a democratic state in India, drawing inspiration from our rich heritage, and the noble traditions of our struggle for independence". In other words, the Janata Party's ideology is to foster democracy in all its dimensions, economic, political, social and cultural. This has to be done by learning from our ancient history and the Freedom struggle; within the Gandhian framework."
Now the President of the same Janta Party says Article 370 should be scrapped. And if that was not enough to wake up Gandhiji in his heavenly abode, Dr Swamy wants to remove the Masjid from Kashi and another 300 Masjids from India. It was the same Mahatma Gandhi who was against the creation of Pakistan and was even ridiculed for calling Pakistanis his brothers and sisters. His frustration was obvious in one of his last speeches. On the eve of his last fast on 12th January, 1948 Mahatma said " I yearn for heart friendship between the Hindus, the Sikhs and the Muslims. It subsisted between them the other day. Today it is non existent. It is a state no India patriot worthy of the name can contemplate with equanimity".
Janata Party also wants to create a society with a political government powerful in its legitimate domain and minimal elsewhere, a government that governs but does not dabble in business, arts, media, justice, religion and piety. Now how would one justify the ideals of a political party with the suggestions made by Dr Swamy. Is not removal of Masjids dabbling in religion, and creating a Hindu Rashtra against the very ideals his party is striving for. Let me quote the Mahatma again to drive home the point. He said "A votary of Ahimsa cannot subscribe to the utilitarian formula (of the greatest good of the greatest number). He will strive for the greatest good of all and die in the attempt to realise the ideal".
Of course illegal migrants from Bangladesh remains a sticky issue and both Govt's of India and Bangladesh are trying to sort the issue. But the whole talk of annexing parts of Bangladesh is a bit far fetched. Will we not have the same problems that the Bangladesh Govt is facing. Then who will provide security and funds to keep those lands under our control. Will that not give rise to more extremism and tension in the region. Is it really worth it ? Mahatma said "Hindus, if they want unity among different races, must have the courage to trust the minorities".
And one can't help but remember he famous quote "practice what you preach". If Dr Swamy couldn't help but bring home a "Muslim" son in law, then he sure has a long way to go to convince others. It is not aimed at bringing disrespect to anyone including Dr Swamy, but with his flights of fancy, he sure has forced some to think of Indians as Hindus and Muslims and of course Sikhs. I would like to end with another small line from Mahatma again. He said " I cannot picture to myself a time when all mankind will have one religion". Maybe Dr Swamy needs to give more attention to the Mahatma's teachings.
Tuesday, April 12, 2011
Anna's Crusaders
So the TV channels won the battle for Anna Hazare. Govt finally bows to the demands of Anna Hazare's front, India Against Corruption (IAC). Not surprising at all that it was the period between India's historic world cup win in Cricket and IPL 4 that Anna chose for this crusade. TV channels needed an issue to keep their TRP's ahead of others and Jantar Mantar was ground zero for them. It was Peepli Live playing out as channels competed to outdo each other.
After all what Anna is saying is correct and the cause is just. And till when will people take corruption in their stride. It is high time that people came and out and rooted out this evil from society. The NGO's got together and mela had started at Jantar Mantar. TV channels termed the gathering of hundreds or so as a 'revolution' and India was finally coming into its own. But do we even know what Anna and his crusaders want ?
The Jan Lokpal Bill that the 'civil society' wants is to create another power structure that has unbridled powers and accountable only to themselves. Also the Lokayukta will have the authority to summon anyone and it will be considered as having the required permissions, warrants etc to do so at their will. Their disgust for politicians is absolute as the Bill mentions that anyone who has been an MLA or an MP or even remotely associated with politics is not eligible to be a member of the Lokayukta. But interestingly it says that only a Magsaysay awardee is eligible for the same. Their faith in the Ramon Magsaysay award is obviously more than other prestigious awards like Padma Shri, Padma Vibhushan and others. Or it could be to bring in members of their own choice. So even before the actual work has begun, bias has already stepped in. Then why is this 'civil society' taking the moral high ground ?.
Will it really help to create another super structure that interferes with various arms of our Govt. Our constitution has spelt out the role of all institutions clearly. The Legislature, Judiciary and Executive. After all didnt our founding fathers have the highest ideals in mind when these institutions were being set up. But over time, things change as is the normal course of nature. So we need to keep changing and adapting to the times. We need to clean the system from within rather than create another monster to deal with inherent problems. After all, even Ram Rajya didnt last too long and we were once again caught in the hollowness of the caste system.
Considering we are the world's biggest democracy, it surely makes us wonder why the 'civil society' is so much against elected representatives. Members of this society are the people who take out candle marches after a Mumbai 26/11 attack at Gateway of India. But it is the very same class that preferred to go on a vacation rather than vote in Maharashtra elections where polling percentage dipped in South Mumbai during the 2009 elections. They did the same across a few metros in India after Anna's crusade against corruption. But how many of them voted in an election last ?
At best, our national polling average hovers around the 50% to 60% mark. Which obviously means that half the country doesnt vote. And then the very class that doesnt want to stand in a queue to vote, blames the netas for ignoring them. It is the slum dweller, poor and the daily wage labourer that votes in urban areas. It is the very same common man that was sadly missing at Jantar Mantar when Anna was fasting. The 'civil society' has time to go and shout slogans against the Govt for not doing their job, but forget that they too have abdicated their fundamental duty. Their right to vote, and if they do get together. Then our polling percentage will jump over 75% and our netas will have no option but to take them seriously.
When Anna Hazare praises a Narendra Modi and then has to clarify that it was only for developmental work, he is stepping on a minefield. Does he know that Modi's Govt is sitting on a Lokpal Bill for the past 8 years ? He is right when he pushes away leaders from coming close to him to gain political mileage. But is he correct when he puts the blame on LK Advani that if his path was correct, then he wouldnt have to start a movement ? Is it fair to blame one person for all faults in society or political class ?. Senior Congress leader Digvijay Singh is right when he says that people should know who funded the entire campaign at Jantar Mantar. Where was the money coming from ? Diggi Raja also wants Corporates and NGO's to come under the ambit of the Lokpal Bill. How come our 'civil society' forgot to add their own class ?
We have all heard of massive corruption in the NGO sector. Dont look beyond Jantar Mantar, reports are already doing the rounds that all the money donated to India Against Corruption (IAC) could be going into an NGO run by Arvind Kejriwal himself ! Crores and crores of money is pumped by the Govt to various NGO's in far flung areas for developmental work. Though some of them do a good job, but what about the majority of them. If they were actually utilising the money, then rural India wouldnt cut a sorry figure. Should we then blame Anna Hazare for all the corruption in the NGO sector as he blamed Advani ? And if the crusaders of 'civil society' against corruption have any sense of responsibility, the least they can do is to ask the members of the Joint Commitee on Corruption to declare their assets.
All 5 members of the Govt on the Committee have declared their assets. Why just 5 of them, all our elected representatives have to declare their assets before contesting any election. And yet they get a limited tenure of 5 years to prove their worth. It is the power of the people in democracy that is supreme. And it is the people of India who wield that power to change Governments with their right to vote. People need to shed their bias against elected representatives and become aware of their rights. Nothing will change till one forces their way through. As for our 'civil society', its always easier to preach than practice.So its time to step out and become a part of the solution rather than remain a part of the problem.
Friday, October 15, 2010
Minority Report
So Rahul Gandhi has equated the RSS with SIMI and understandably so, the BJP is up in arms. Though there are many points to argue the case either ways, we will focus on the political aspect. We all know that the RSS has often praised the young Gandhi behind closed doors for his simplistic style and him sporting a teeka everywhere he goes. But what led to Rahul going the whole hog to discredit the RSS. The key to this as usual lies in the politics of Uttar Pradesh.
It all started with the Ayodhya verdict on 30th September this year. When the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court decided that the disputed land in Ayodhya belongs to both Hindus and Muslims. It also said that idols will not be removed from the sanctum sanctorum and that portion should be given to Hindus, while Muslims can be alotted land apart from the inner courtyard, Sita ki Rasoi and Ram Chabutra. Hindus were given two thirds while Muslims got one third of the land at the disputed site.
While there was almost no violence reported and an uneasy calm led to peace in Uttar Pradesh courtesy the BSP Govt and the Centre. But Mulayam Singh Yadav had other plans. While most legal eagles were still reading up on the Ayodhya judgement in its entirety, the Samajwadi Party chief beat all of them to it. The very next day on 1st October, Mulayam trashed the High Court's verdict. He went on to say that this decision was taken on the basis of faith and not law, and that Muslims of the country are feeling cheated. This ofcourse did assuage the feelings of the Muslim community in general, but created a headache for other political parties.
BSP supremo Mayawati had already asked the Centre to implement the High Court's verdict. She has shrewdly put the ball in the Congress' court. What she also managed to do with all the flag marches and security forces on the move during this period, was to instill a sense of security amongst the people at large that she will not led any violence happen. But she too realised that Mulayam may run away with the minority advantage with his provocative statement. And her managers got down to work quickly.
The result was the UP Sunni Central Waqf Board calling an emergency meeting on 5th October and decided that they will move the Supreme Court challenging the High Court verdict. This ofcourse was done before the meeting of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the highest decision making body for Muslims in India. Reason gbeing that the Waqf Board is the main plaintiff in the Ayodhya case. But its interesting to know that the UP Central Sunni Waqf Board has 13 members. Eight of them are elected while five are nominated by the State Govt. Out of the eight elected members on the Board, two are BSP MP's while another three are BSP MLA's. That takes the strength of the BSP Govt to 10 out of 13 members in the Board, hence the political angle comes into play. Mayawati had played her cards right.
So where did that leave the Congress ? Mulayam was busy playing his tape that he's been playing since 1990 and hoping the same record will bring him back to power in 2012 UP Assembly elections. Mayawati earned kudos for her handling the security apparatus during this episode in which no harm came anyone's way. She also blunted Mulayam's move by asking the Waqf Board to appeal against the High Court verdict. The grand old party had to quickly reinvent itself and position itself as the savious of Muslims, otherwise SP and BSP would run away with the advantage.
The gains made by the Congress in 2009 Lok Sabha election in UP was mainly due to the minority vote swinging its way instead of the usual SP and partly BSP. Now it appeared all the hard work of weaning them away from regional forces would be frittered away. No one understood this better than Rahul Gandhi who was watching this entire scenario unfold. So what does he do ? He travels to Madhya Pradesh, a state ruled by the BJP for the past seven years. A state that has earned notoriety for its anti minority policies. Rahul was interacting with University students in Tikamgarh on 5th October and he candidly equated RSS with the banned Muslim outfit SIMI. By putting both RSS and SIMI in the same boat, Rahul tried to assuage the feelings of Muslims as well as Hindus. That extremism of any kind does not figure anywhere in his brand of politics.
Rahul realised that he would earn brickbats from the Sangh Parivar for his comments. He also knows that his grandmother had once praised the RSS during her regime for their commitment. But for a person who believes that 'bread and butter' issues matter more to our people than painful old memories, he decided to take on the RSS. And as the countdown to 2012 begins, Rahul Gandhi and his position on matters of faith will be a defining moment for the Congress in the Hindi heartland.
It all started with the Ayodhya verdict on 30th September this year. When the Lucknow bench of the Allahabad High Court decided that the disputed land in Ayodhya belongs to both Hindus and Muslims. It also said that idols will not be removed from the sanctum sanctorum and that portion should be given to Hindus, while Muslims can be alotted land apart from the inner courtyard, Sita ki Rasoi and Ram Chabutra. Hindus were given two thirds while Muslims got one third of the land at the disputed site.
While there was almost no violence reported and an uneasy calm led to peace in Uttar Pradesh courtesy the BSP Govt and the Centre. But Mulayam Singh Yadav had other plans. While most legal eagles were still reading up on the Ayodhya judgement in its entirety, the Samajwadi Party chief beat all of them to it. The very next day on 1st October, Mulayam trashed the High Court's verdict. He went on to say that this decision was taken on the basis of faith and not law, and that Muslims of the country are feeling cheated. This ofcourse did assuage the feelings of the Muslim community in general, but created a headache for other political parties.
BSP supremo Mayawati had already asked the Centre to implement the High Court's verdict. She has shrewdly put the ball in the Congress' court. What she also managed to do with all the flag marches and security forces on the move during this period, was to instill a sense of security amongst the people at large that she will not led any violence happen. But she too realised that Mulayam may run away with the minority advantage with his provocative statement. And her managers got down to work quickly.
The result was the UP Sunni Central Waqf Board calling an emergency meeting on 5th October and decided that they will move the Supreme Court challenging the High Court verdict. This ofcourse was done before the meeting of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, the highest decision making body for Muslims in India. Reason gbeing that the Waqf Board is the main plaintiff in the Ayodhya case. But its interesting to know that the UP Central Sunni Waqf Board has 13 members. Eight of them are elected while five are nominated by the State Govt. Out of the eight elected members on the Board, two are BSP MP's while another three are BSP MLA's. That takes the strength of the BSP Govt to 10 out of 13 members in the Board, hence the political angle comes into play. Mayawati had played her cards right.
So where did that leave the Congress ? Mulayam was busy playing his tape that he's been playing since 1990 and hoping the same record will bring him back to power in 2012 UP Assembly elections. Mayawati earned kudos for her handling the security apparatus during this episode in which no harm came anyone's way. She also blunted Mulayam's move by asking the Waqf Board to appeal against the High Court verdict. The grand old party had to quickly reinvent itself and position itself as the savious of Muslims, otherwise SP and BSP would run away with the advantage.
The gains made by the Congress in 2009 Lok Sabha election in UP was mainly due to the minority vote swinging its way instead of the usual SP and partly BSP. Now it appeared all the hard work of weaning them away from regional forces would be frittered away. No one understood this better than Rahul Gandhi who was watching this entire scenario unfold. So what does he do ? He travels to Madhya Pradesh, a state ruled by the BJP for the past seven years. A state that has earned notoriety for its anti minority policies. Rahul was interacting with University students in Tikamgarh on 5th October and he candidly equated RSS with the banned Muslim outfit SIMI. By putting both RSS and SIMI in the same boat, Rahul tried to assuage the feelings of Muslims as well as Hindus. That extremism of any kind does not figure anywhere in his brand of politics.
Rahul realised that he would earn brickbats from the Sangh Parivar for his comments. He also knows that his grandmother had once praised the RSS during her regime for their commitment. But for a person who believes that 'bread and butter' issues matter more to our people than painful old memories, he decided to take on the RSS. And as the countdown to 2012 begins, Rahul Gandhi and his position on matters of faith will be a defining moment for the Congress in the Hindi heartland.
Friday, June 11, 2010
The Congress Leak
7th June was a day full of angst for most Indians. Chief Judicial Magistrate Mohan P Tiwari convicted former Union Carbide India Chairman, Keshub Mahindra and seven others in the Bhopal gas tragedy case. The Bhopal Court awarded them a maximum of two years imprisonment, 23 years after the trial began. All eight persons applied for bail and were granted relief immediately.
Sounds almost like a joke if you were to tell anyone that 15000 people died in what was perhaps the worst industrial disaster in the world. Even more so when one hears that 89 year old Warren Anderson, the then chairman of Union Carbide Corporation of USA went scot free. Anderson lives in the United States and is still an absconder in our country.
Wait, the joke is not over yet. What if you were told that Anderson was released after being arrested. There's more, he was then put on a Madhya Pradesh Govt. plane and flown to Delhi. As dead bodies were piling up in Bhopal, Anderson was sipping tea with President Giani Zail Singh at Raisina Hill, before heading back to home sweet home.
This is a story that most knew, yet all the drama around it had long been forgotten. But Monday's verdict has once again shaken the very depths of everyone's conscience. The then Chief Minister of MP, Arjun Singh and then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi were at a rally in the state when Anderson's release was ordered. What is pretty clear from the above facts that it would not have been possible for Anderson to leave the country without taking the Centre into confidence.
Rajiv Gandhi also held the External Affairs portfolio at that time. So whether or not we like it, we will have to admit that Rajiv Gandhi knew what was happening. Many believe that the then President of the United States, Ronald Reagan himself spoke to Rajiv Gandhi and ensured Anderson's safe exit. Rajiv was made to believe that Anderson would come back later when legal proceedings against him would start. And that if Anderson was kept in Bhopal, it was very much possible that he could be lynched by the public. The state govt would not be able to control the public anger, all directed at one person. Rajiv was relatively new in politics and took the Americans at face value. So out went Anderson and 25 years later, the focus is back on 'who let Anderson go'.
The current Chief Minister of MP, Shivraj Singh Chouhan has now written to Arjun Singh asking him who let Anderson off the hook. That raises two questions. Is Chouhan another Rip Van Winkle that he wakes up to a fact after 25 years ? The other question is more serious. What will we achieve by extraditing Anderson to India ?
What is more important for the victims of the tragedy. To see an old man being punished by the Courts, that itself could take many many more years. Probably Anderson would no more be there by then. Or do we create pressure on the Company involved through our Govt., to provide compensation to the victims and their families. If you ask the people who have lived through the horror, the overwhelming response would come for compensation first. You need to live and survive to be able to see that the perpetrators are brought to book.
So UPA-II hurriedly reconstitutes the Group of Ministers on Bhopal Gas Tragedy. This time Hime Minister P Chidambaram is made the head of the GoM replacing Arjun Singh. It also has another senior Congress leader from Madhya Pradesh Kamalnath in the group. Now we need to go back a few years to understand why these two names on the GoM have more than what meets the eye.
US giant, Dow Chemicals that bought Union Carbide in 2001 was trying hard to enter India's promising petrochemicals market in 2007. As any smart business house would do, Dow wanted to get rid of the clause which warrants that they have to pay Rs 100 crores for cleaning up the 1984 gas leak site and contaminated ground water before they can do any business in India. They wanted to get rid of the liabilities of Union Carbide that they had bought knowing fully well about the notice served to them by the Fertilizers and Chemical Ministry for the same.
Led by the Tatas, Dow reached out to the Indian Government. That instead of asking them to pay Rs 100 crore damages, Tata along with some other private sector corporates would set up a fund to clean the site in Bhopal. What this meant was the Indian Government would be making an out of court settlement to the dispute. It also led many to believe that this could also absolve Dow Chemicals of their liability to provide compensation to those victims affected by the groundwater in Bhopal. A clean chit to Dow to forget the gory past and make money in one of India's lucrative business sectors.
And who were the people pushing for Dow in India ? Tata's letter requesting Dow's entry was endorsed by the likes of P Chidambaram, Kamalnath, Abhishek Singhvi and Montek Singh Ahluwalia. Their consent was sent to the PMO to allow Dow to do business in India without clearing its liabilities of Bhopal ! And the Prime Minister has made the same person the head of the GoM who is already of the view that Dow's liabilities should be waived off.
Rajiv Gandhi did allow Anderson to fly out of India. But what was his mental frame of mind then. He had just lost his mother a month ago, he was new to politics and was busy campaigning twenty hours a day across the country during the General Elections when the disaster happened. No one knew then that it would turn into India's biggest tragedy. He is not absolved of the crime, but Im sure he would have stood up and owned responsibility. He is no more with us, but he was a man who didnt feel shy to admit that he was human. And to err is natural for humans.
But what is one to make of these senior, powerful, erudite personalities of the Congress party. Chidambaram and Kamalnath have been ministers for almost fifteen years, while Abhishek Singhvi is the party's mouthpiece in daily press briefings. They knew the full extent of Bhopal Gas Tragedy, they knew that compensation has been poor for the victims. They knew that a lot more still needs to be done to improve the conditions near the gas leak site. Yet, they agreed that Dow can be absolved of its liabilities.
So how does this reflect on UPA-II ? Is it a memory loss for the PMO that they cant seem to remember of events and letters written by important players in the Govt. just three years back ? Or is it true that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh really does bend over backwards to please the United States all the time ? Both scenarios do not look good for a Prime Minister who has always been high on integrity. And its time he responded to the situation the way we expect him to do.
Sounds almost like a joke if you were to tell anyone that 15000 people died in what was perhaps the worst industrial disaster in the world. Even more so when one hears that 89 year old Warren Anderson, the then chairman of Union Carbide Corporation of USA went scot free. Anderson lives in the United States and is still an absconder in our country.
Wait, the joke is not over yet. What if you were told that Anderson was released after being arrested. There's more, he was then put on a Madhya Pradesh Govt. plane and flown to Delhi. As dead bodies were piling up in Bhopal, Anderson was sipping tea with President Giani Zail Singh at Raisina Hill, before heading back to home sweet home.
This is a story that most knew, yet all the drama around it had long been forgotten. But Monday's verdict has once again shaken the very depths of everyone's conscience. The then Chief Minister of MP, Arjun Singh and then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi were at a rally in the state when Anderson's release was ordered. What is pretty clear from the above facts that it would not have been possible for Anderson to leave the country without taking the Centre into confidence.
Rajiv Gandhi also held the External Affairs portfolio at that time. So whether or not we like it, we will have to admit that Rajiv Gandhi knew what was happening. Many believe that the then President of the United States, Ronald Reagan himself spoke to Rajiv Gandhi and ensured Anderson's safe exit. Rajiv was made to believe that Anderson would come back later when legal proceedings against him would start. And that if Anderson was kept in Bhopal, it was very much possible that he could be lynched by the public. The state govt would not be able to control the public anger, all directed at one person. Rajiv was relatively new in politics and took the Americans at face value. So out went Anderson and 25 years later, the focus is back on 'who let Anderson go'.
The current Chief Minister of MP, Shivraj Singh Chouhan has now written to Arjun Singh asking him who let Anderson off the hook. That raises two questions. Is Chouhan another Rip Van Winkle that he wakes up to a fact after 25 years ? The other question is more serious. What will we achieve by extraditing Anderson to India ?
What is more important for the victims of the tragedy. To see an old man being punished by the Courts, that itself could take many many more years. Probably Anderson would no more be there by then. Or do we create pressure on the Company involved through our Govt., to provide compensation to the victims and their families. If you ask the people who have lived through the horror, the overwhelming response would come for compensation first. You need to live and survive to be able to see that the perpetrators are brought to book.
So UPA-II hurriedly reconstitutes the Group of Ministers on Bhopal Gas Tragedy. This time Hime Minister P Chidambaram is made the head of the GoM replacing Arjun Singh. It also has another senior Congress leader from Madhya Pradesh Kamalnath in the group. Now we need to go back a few years to understand why these two names on the GoM have more than what meets the eye.
US giant, Dow Chemicals that bought Union Carbide in 2001 was trying hard to enter India's promising petrochemicals market in 2007. As any smart business house would do, Dow wanted to get rid of the clause which warrants that they have to pay Rs 100 crores for cleaning up the 1984 gas leak site and contaminated ground water before they can do any business in India. They wanted to get rid of the liabilities of Union Carbide that they had bought knowing fully well about the notice served to them by the Fertilizers and Chemical Ministry for the same.
Led by the Tatas, Dow reached out to the Indian Government. That instead of asking them to pay Rs 100 crore damages, Tata along with some other private sector corporates would set up a fund to clean the site in Bhopal. What this meant was the Indian Government would be making an out of court settlement to the dispute. It also led many to believe that this could also absolve Dow Chemicals of their liability to provide compensation to those victims affected by the groundwater in Bhopal. A clean chit to Dow to forget the gory past and make money in one of India's lucrative business sectors.
And who were the people pushing for Dow in India ? Tata's letter requesting Dow's entry was endorsed by the likes of P Chidambaram, Kamalnath, Abhishek Singhvi and Montek Singh Ahluwalia. Their consent was sent to the PMO to allow Dow to do business in India without clearing its liabilities of Bhopal ! And the Prime Minister has made the same person the head of the GoM who is already of the view that Dow's liabilities should be waived off.
Rajiv Gandhi did allow Anderson to fly out of India. But what was his mental frame of mind then. He had just lost his mother a month ago, he was new to politics and was busy campaigning twenty hours a day across the country during the General Elections when the disaster happened. No one knew then that it would turn into India's biggest tragedy. He is not absolved of the crime, but Im sure he would have stood up and owned responsibility. He is no more with us, but he was a man who didnt feel shy to admit that he was human. And to err is natural for humans.
But what is one to make of these senior, powerful, erudite personalities of the Congress party. Chidambaram and Kamalnath have been ministers for almost fifteen years, while Abhishek Singhvi is the party's mouthpiece in daily press briefings. They knew the full extent of Bhopal Gas Tragedy, they knew that compensation has been poor for the victims. They knew that a lot more still needs to be done to improve the conditions near the gas leak site. Yet, they agreed that Dow can be absolved of its liabilities.
So how does this reflect on UPA-II ? Is it a memory loss for the PMO that they cant seem to remember of events and letters written by important players in the Govt. just three years back ? Or is it true that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh really does bend over backwards to please the United States all the time ? Both scenarios do not look good for a Prime Minister who has always been high on integrity. And its time he responded to the situation the way we expect him to do.
Tuesday, May 18, 2010
The Naxal Problem
Its been quite an eventful 24 hours for Home Minister P Chidambaram since Monday, 17th May. After the Naxal attack in Dantewada, Chhattisgarh, Home Minister was busy obliging news channels of his choice by giving them interviews. A damage control exercise by him, already under fire over the handling of the Naxal menace. Dantewada proving to be a thorn for him as Naxalites struck again this Monday for the second time in a just over a month with a deadly strike rate. Over 75 CRPF personnel lost their lives on 6th April, this time almost 25 civilians and 15 tribal Special Police Officers were killed when a civilian bus was blown by Naxals.
But things were not so bad for Chidambaram till a few months ago when Operation Greenhunt was launched in November 2009. It was on 14th April this year that an unexpected criticism of his aggressive approach towards Naxals shook him and the political establishment. The word of caution came from none other than Senior Congress Leader and two time Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Digvijay Singh.
Diggi Raja as Digvijay Singh is fondly called, lashed out against an all out use of force in dealing with Naxals. He even called himself a victim of Chidambaram’s 'intellectual arrogance'. He was referring to Home Minister’s attitude to sensitive issues like the Batla House encounter in Delhi and Naxalism. There was confusion within the Congress party's ranks. No one had expected a leader of Diggi Raja's stature to take on the Home Minister publicly, especially when Parliament was in session and the UPA pushed in a corner over many other sensitive issues. The party treaded cautiously terming it as a personal comment by Digvijay Singh and left it to the higher ups to deal with the dynamics.
It’s not as if this was the first time Digvijay Singh was saying this. He has been for a more politically mature and peaceful way of dealing with the Naxal issue since 1998. He was also instrumental in successfully negotiating peace with the Naxals of Andhra Pradesh while YSR was still alive. But it was the timing that took everyone by surprise. The former CM was away in Houston attending to his ailing wife, but his mind was on Dantewada, Chhattisgarh. And he somehow had to get it out of his system.
Digvijay Singh may have not earned brownie points both from the party and his party colleague P Chidambaram, but what he managed to do was to shift the focus. From Home Minister’s thrust on aggression and Naxalism being just a law and order situation, to that of a problem with a social angle also. He spoke about the 73rd Amendment in our Constitution, PESA (The Panchayati Extension to Scheduled Areas). This Act makes special provision for Panchayats to function in such a way that they can both protect and promote tribal interests according to the spirit of the scheduled areas as enshrined in the Constitution. Unfortunately, PESA is yet to become a reality as most states have legislations to counter the actual devolution of power in scheduled areas.
Chidambaram got all support from his party and the PM after Digvijay Singh’s criticism, but the Home Minister didn’t miss the underlining theme of the Congress party. And it was evident as early as 23rd April, just nine days after Digvijay Singh’s famous article was published. Here is what Chidambaram said at a meeting of Consultative Committee of Home Affairs on 23rd April.
“The Govt will continue to follow its two pronged approach of development and calibrated police action to deal with the Naxal problem. The debate on what should take place first- development or police action- is misplaced. The decision will vary from situation to situation and from State to State and no fixed prescription is possible. In some areas, it may be possible to undertake some developmental activities, to be followed immediately by steps to strengthen security. In other areas, it may be necessary to first launch police action to regain control of the territory, followed by vigorous developmental activities.”
Some members in the Consultative Committee seemed to echo what others had dared not tell Chidambaram before Digvijay Singh. That it would be difficult to deal with Naxals without involving locals and local police. A suggestion even coming that an all party Parliamentary delegation should visit Naxal affected areas to win trust and goodwill of the people. The need for good coordination between central paramilitary forces and local police was also pointed out. It’s not as if it needed an expert to point out the basics of how to deal with Naxalism, it was all there. All it needed was a strong voice to articulate it and Digvijay Singh did just that. He of -course found a friend in Mani Shankar Aiyar who agreed a thousand percent with him.
The story gets more interesting just a day after Chidambaram’s two pronged strategy. Here is the translation of what PM, Manmohan Singh said to senior bureaucrats from across the country on Panchayati Raj Divas (24th April) in New Delhi. “We have to give special attention to remote and extreme backward areas of the country. This includes a lot of tribal areas and Panchayati Raj agencies need to work effectively to bring our schemes to them. This will help us a lot in dealing with the Naxal problem.”
So the UPA had already shifted gear in its approach to the Naxal problem just ten days after the difference of opinion became public. And that explains why Digvijay Singh was asked to meet Chidambaram in his North Block office to mend fences with each other on 7th May. Singh had earlier regretted his public attack on the Home Minister and his policy of dealing with Naxals on 29th April while he was busy with party work in Lucknow.
But it took Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s letter to party mouthpiece Congress Sandesh that finally put an end to the debate within the party. "While we must address acts of terror decisively, we have to address the root causes of Naxalism. The rise of Naxalism is a reflection of the need for our development initiatives to reach the grassroots, especially in our backward tribal districts.”
After having braved criticism within his own party, Chidambaram has been quick to adapt his policy on dealing with Naxalism. This Monday night saw him talking of ‘limited mandate’. Tuesday morning, he makes an offer of talks to Naxals again during a TV interview. BJP was quick to term him an ‘injured martyr’. But by the evening, he had sufficiently recovered. The ‘limited mandate’ meant Centre only plays a supporting role to States in law and order situations. States have ‘unlimited mandate’ and the ball was squarely put in Chhattisgarh CM Raman Singh’s court.
Now I can’t help but think aloud “ Isn’t this what Digvijay Singh had said about who should be held responsible for the April 6 attack on CRPF in Dantewada ?”. But then a supremely confident Chidambaram had made the famous quote “The buck stops with me.” His offer to resign had been quickly struck down by Manmohan Singh. For once, Chidambaram must be admitting to himself. That he had to tow someone else’s line on one of his top agendas in UPA-II. And that is no mean feat by any standards.
But things were not so bad for Chidambaram till a few months ago when Operation Greenhunt was launched in November 2009. It was on 14th April this year that an unexpected criticism of his aggressive approach towards Naxals shook him and the political establishment. The word of caution came from none other than Senior Congress Leader and two time Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Digvijay Singh.
Diggi Raja as Digvijay Singh is fondly called, lashed out against an all out use of force in dealing with Naxals. He even called himself a victim of Chidambaram’s 'intellectual arrogance'. He was referring to Home Minister’s attitude to sensitive issues like the Batla House encounter in Delhi and Naxalism. There was confusion within the Congress party's ranks. No one had expected a leader of Diggi Raja's stature to take on the Home Minister publicly, especially when Parliament was in session and the UPA pushed in a corner over many other sensitive issues. The party treaded cautiously terming it as a personal comment by Digvijay Singh and left it to the higher ups to deal with the dynamics.
It’s not as if this was the first time Digvijay Singh was saying this. He has been for a more politically mature and peaceful way of dealing with the Naxal issue since 1998. He was also instrumental in successfully negotiating peace with the Naxals of Andhra Pradesh while YSR was still alive. But it was the timing that took everyone by surprise. The former CM was away in Houston attending to his ailing wife, but his mind was on Dantewada, Chhattisgarh. And he somehow had to get it out of his system.
Digvijay Singh may have not earned brownie points both from the party and his party colleague P Chidambaram, but what he managed to do was to shift the focus. From Home Minister’s thrust on aggression and Naxalism being just a law and order situation, to that of a problem with a social angle also. He spoke about the 73rd Amendment in our Constitution, PESA (The Panchayati Extension to Scheduled Areas). This Act makes special provision for Panchayats to function in such a way that they can both protect and promote tribal interests according to the spirit of the scheduled areas as enshrined in the Constitution. Unfortunately, PESA is yet to become a reality as most states have legislations to counter the actual devolution of power in scheduled areas.
Chidambaram got all support from his party and the PM after Digvijay Singh’s criticism, but the Home Minister didn’t miss the underlining theme of the Congress party. And it was evident as early as 23rd April, just nine days after Digvijay Singh’s famous article was published. Here is what Chidambaram said at a meeting of Consultative Committee of Home Affairs on 23rd April.
“The Govt will continue to follow its two pronged approach of development and calibrated police action to deal with the Naxal problem. The debate on what should take place first- development or police action- is misplaced. The decision will vary from situation to situation and from State to State and no fixed prescription is possible. In some areas, it may be possible to undertake some developmental activities, to be followed immediately by steps to strengthen security. In other areas, it may be necessary to first launch police action to regain control of the territory, followed by vigorous developmental activities.”
Some members in the Consultative Committee seemed to echo what others had dared not tell Chidambaram before Digvijay Singh. That it would be difficult to deal with Naxals without involving locals and local police. A suggestion even coming that an all party Parliamentary delegation should visit Naxal affected areas to win trust and goodwill of the people. The need for good coordination between central paramilitary forces and local police was also pointed out. It’s not as if it needed an expert to point out the basics of how to deal with Naxalism, it was all there. All it needed was a strong voice to articulate it and Digvijay Singh did just that. He of -course found a friend in Mani Shankar Aiyar who agreed a thousand percent with him.
The story gets more interesting just a day after Chidambaram’s two pronged strategy. Here is the translation of what PM, Manmohan Singh said to senior bureaucrats from across the country on Panchayati Raj Divas (24th April) in New Delhi. “We have to give special attention to remote and extreme backward areas of the country. This includes a lot of tribal areas and Panchayati Raj agencies need to work effectively to bring our schemes to them. This will help us a lot in dealing with the Naxal problem.”
So the UPA had already shifted gear in its approach to the Naxal problem just ten days after the difference of opinion became public. And that explains why Digvijay Singh was asked to meet Chidambaram in his North Block office to mend fences with each other on 7th May. Singh had earlier regretted his public attack on the Home Minister and his policy of dealing with Naxals on 29th April while he was busy with party work in Lucknow.
But it took Congress President Sonia Gandhi’s letter to party mouthpiece Congress Sandesh that finally put an end to the debate within the party. "While we must address acts of terror decisively, we have to address the root causes of Naxalism. The rise of Naxalism is a reflection of the need for our development initiatives to reach the grassroots, especially in our backward tribal districts.”
After having braved criticism within his own party, Chidambaram has been quick to adapt his policy on dealing with Naxalism. This Monday night saw him talking of ‘limited mandate’. Tuesday morning, he makes an offer of talks to Naxals again during a TV interview. BJP was quick to term him an ‘injured martyr’. But by the evening, he had sufficiently recovered. The ‘limited mandate’ meant Centre only plays a supporting role to States in law and order situations. States have ‘unlimited mandate’ and the ball was squarely put in Chhattisgarh CM Raman Singh’s court.
Now I can’t help but think aloud “ Isn’t this what Digvijay Singh had said about who should be held responsible for the April 6 attack on CRPF in Dantewada ?”. But then a supremely confident Chidambaram had made the famous quote “The buck stops with me.” His offer to resign had been quickly struck down by Manmohan Singh. For once, Chidambaram must be admitting to himself. That he had to tow someone else’s line on one of his top agendas in UPA-II. And that is no mean feat by any standards.
Sunday, March 14, 2010
Heal the Bill
Its the Bill that is making international headlines. Congress President Sonia Gandhi making it clear that the Women's Reservation Bill has reached the "now or never" stage. Though many people have already made the point about the bad timing of the Bill, one still cant understand why it was "bulldozed " in the Rajya Sabha.
Lack of floor coordination was amply clear and all that was needed to do was to give these dissenting MP's a chance to articulate their views. Ok, agreed that it may have taken a few more days for the Bill to go through, but wouldnt it have given the UPA floor managers more time to get their act together. Yet the fact remains that if it wasnt for Sonia Gandhi's insistence, the Bill would still be gathering dust in Parliament.
If you ever come to Vijay Chowk outside Parliament, you will find an old lady selling fruits during the day. She lives near the Kalkaji Temple, buys fresh fruits from Okhla Mandi, takes a bus to Central Secretariat and then goes about her business. She first sells to the tourists who come in buses to see Parliament, and then its the journalists, OB engineers and ofcourse the Police who are all a permanent fixture when Parliament is in session.
During the period of the three days when the fate of the Bill was still unclear, I couldnt help but think of that lady. She is in her fifties, simple and extremely hardworking. Yet she remains blissfully unaware of the landmark Bill that was passed in the Rajya Sabha. And the question that kept haunting me was " Will the likes of this lady ever make it to Parliament ?".
This Bill is being showcased as giving equal rights to women in policy making of the country. But will it make that qualitative difference that we are actually looking for ? I know one has to start somewhere, yet why does one get the feeling that the Bill is being pushed in a hurry. Its not as if India has never given women the lead role in politics. Indiraji still remains one of our longest serving Prime Ministers. Sheila Dikshit is successfully in her third term as Delhi Chief Minister, may even run for the fourth. Mayawati and Mamta Bannerjee need no introduction.
The system has given enough chance for able people to come through the ranks. But if the Bill is really aimed at the rural women, then there definitely needs to be some introspection. No denying success stories where women have changed the face of politics, but they sadly remain a small percentage. Most of the women in Panchayat posts are run by their husbands, so why not stem the rot at the grassroot level first. If we can create a system where we can actually have women doing their own thing in Panchayats, then they will anyways win on their own and no reservation will be required to help them.
Till we can involve or give people like the old lady who sells fruits at Vijay Chowk a chance or hope that they too can play a part in the decision making process, this Bill will remain fundamentally flawed. Because that lady works as hard as any other person, toiling in the sun and yet smiling. She uses her savings to buy fruits and then carries them on her head the whole day till she can sell most of it. She could have taken the easier option of selling tobacco, cigarettes, pan masala etc. Things that sell easily, and people are willing to pay a substantially higher price than the MRP for these addictions. Yet this woman prefers to sell fresh fruits, even expounding the virtues of each fruit that she sells to people she likes.
That is the fundamental change that women can bring, a sense of being upright even when easier temptations are available. All the others who sell snacks at Vijay Chowk never forget to carry pan masala and cigarettes with them, little wonder that they are all men ! Always ready to make a quick buck at the expense of other people's health, but who cares. No one, not the person buying or selling. But that woman does, yet she remains outside the ambit of the debate on the Bill.
Till we can work out a formula where we listen patiently to the reservations of various political parties, this Bill doesnt have a future. You dont have to amend the Bill to everyone's liking as that would finish the objective of the Bill, but try and accomodate as much as possible. Because at the moment, the objective may be noble and clear but the path remains confused.
Lack of floor coordination was amply clear and all that was needed to do was to give these dissenting MP's a chance to articulate their views. Ok, agreed that it may have taken a few more days for the Bill to go through, but wouldnt it have given the UPA floor managers more time to get their act together. Yet the fact remains that if it wasnt for Sonia Gandhi's insistence, the Bill would still be gathering dust in Parliament.
If you ever come to Vijay Chowk outside Parliament, you will find an old lady selling fruits during the day. She lives near the Kalkaji Temple, buys fresh fruits from Okhla Mandi, takes a bus to Central Secretariat and then goes about her business. She first sells to the tourists who come in buses to see Parliament, and then its the journalists, OB engineers and ofcourse the Police who are all a permanent fixture when Parliament is in session.
During the period of the three days when the fate of the Bill was still unclear, I couldnt help but think of that lady. She is in her fifties, simple and extremely hardworking. Yet she remains blissfully unaware of the landmark Bill that was passed in the Rajya Sabha. And the question that kept haunting me was " Will the likes of this lady ever make it to Parliament ?".
This Bill is being showcased as giving equal rights to women in policy making of the country. But will it make that qualitative difference that we are actually looking for ? I know one has to start somewhere, yet why does one get the feeling that the Bill is being pushed in a hurry. Its not as if India has never given women the lead role in politics. Indiraji still remains one of our longest serving Prime Ministers. Sheila Dikshit is successfully in her third term as Delhi Chief Minister, may even run for the fourth. Mayawati and Mamta Bannerjee need no introduction.
The system has given enough chance for able people to come through the ranks. But if the Bill is really aimed at the rural women, then there definitely needs to be some introspection. No denying success stories where women have changed the face of politics, but they sadly remain a small percentage. Most of the women in Panchayat posts are run by their husbands, so why not stem the rot at the grassroot level first. If we can create a system where we can actually have women doing their own thing in Panchayats, then they will anyways win on their own and no reservation will be required to help them.
Till we can involve or give people like the old lady who sells fruits at Vijay Chowk a chance or hope that they too can play a part in the decision making process, this Bill will remain fundamentally flawed. Because that lady works as hard as any other person, toiling in the sun and yet smiling. She uses her savings to buy fruits and then carries them on her head the whole day till she can sell most of it. She could have taken the easier option of selling tobacco, cigarettes, pan masala etc. Things that sell easily, and people are willing to pay a substantially higher price than the MRP for these addictions. Yet this woman prefers to sell fresh fruits, even expounding the virtues of each fruit that she sells to people she likes.
That is the fundamental change that women can bring, a sense of being upright even when easier temptations are available. All the others who sell snacks at Vijay Chowk never forget to carry pan masala and cigarettes with them, little wonder that they are all men ! Always ready to make a quick buck at the expense of other people's health, but who cares. No one, not the person buying or selling. But that woman does, yet she remains outside the ambit of the debate on the Bill.
Till we can work out a formula where we listen patiently to the reservations of various political parties, this Bill doesnt have a future. You dont have to amend the Bill to everyone's liking as that would finish the objective of the Bill, but try and accomodate as much as possible. Because at the moment, the objective may be noble and clear but the path remains confused.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
The Fall of Amar Singh
So Mulayam Singh has finally accepted Amar Singh's resignation. Many questions have been raised and a few unanswered. Was Amar Singh's resignation pre planned or it came like a bolt from the blue. Such major things do not happen just like that, and this was just waiting to happen. Ever since Kalyan Singh joined hands with the SP to all the way in Firozabad byelection where Dimple lost creating a very embarrassing situation for Akhilesh Yadav. It was pretty clear that the SP had just been given a rude wake up call and the party was headed for a major shake up.
So what went wrong in a relationship that had stood the test of time. Amar Singh and Mulayam Singh were inseparable, but blood is thicker than water. The frustration of Mulayam's family over Amar Singh had been building since 2007. But things only got worse after the 2009 Lok Sabha election. SP losing out any kind of bargaining power in the Centre, while its main opposition party the BSP was ruling roost in UP.
People blame Amar Singh for bringing in Dimple and infighting that led to SP losing the prestigious Firozabad seat. But didnt the very same people realise that they were anyways heading for disaster by making Akhilesh contest from two seats of Kannauj and Firozabad. Akhilesh would have won both seats which he did, but the big question is that who would they give the ticket to when Akhilesh would vacate a seat. The SP leadership tried to take the easier way out by postponing a tough decision, hoping that things would sort themselves out on their own. The result was disastrous, the SP had to fight the Firozabad byelection with the BSP at the helm in the state. If they had given the ticket to someone else during the Lok Sabha elections, they would still have been better off as the political situation would have been much more neutral that it is in a byelection where the ruling party in the state normally has the upper hand.
Why blame Amar Singh when atleast three former MLA's of the SP from the area were instrumental in ensuring that people once again had to relive the days of SP's goondaraj during the Firozabad byelection. Apart from their image, what happened to all the money that Amar Singh had sent for the election while he was recuperating in Singapore. Can the SP wrong or even question Amar Singh's integrity in any way for his role in the byelection ?
Now to the moot question, yes its true that Amar Singh did influence the SP to such an extent that when Mulayam was taking oath in 2003 as Chief Minister of UP, people were witnessing a different Samajwad or Socialism than the one they were used to. Sahara's entire fleet had the likes of the Bachchans, Ambanis and the Nandas driving to the ceremony. The Uttar Pradesh Development Corporation and the Dadri Power Project were brain child of Amar Singh. Sadly both were non starters, Dadri is nowhere near starting while UPDC was scrapped by the BSP regime.
Kalyan Singh was perhaps Amar Singh's biggest blunder, but he did have some correct arithmetic to it. Knowing fully well that the BJP was finished and the Muslim vote was no longer as loyal to the SP. he did try to get the OBC Rajput formula going for the SP. But with muslims voting enmasse for the Congress, Amar Singh had to bear the brunt of it. So the old guard within the SP got together and started a campaign for the party to get back to its Socialist leanings that had made it a darling with the masses. Which in operational terms meant, get rid of Amar Singh.
Ram Gopal Yadav is just the face of that campaign, and Amar Singh realised the futility of his continuing with a party where he is doing all he can and is yet criticised for not doing enough. So will Amar Singh join the Congress. No, as there are few takers for him in the Congress. The best bet is for him to be on his own, and it may not take very long for Amar Singh to float his own outfit. He has the money and supporters to contest atleast 60 seats in the UP assembly election in 2012, and can even get 20 candidates elected. He could be the Raj Thackeray of the SP in the next election and anyone who stakes claim to the next Govt in UP will need his support. Amar Singh can easily tie up with NCP, Left and other regional parties and get a national status like Shankar Sinh Vaghela had after he brought down the BJP Govt in Gujarat in the 1990's. Vaghela's RJP fared badly in the next election and he or Bapu as he is fondly called was referred to as a leader without a party. But Amar Singh could do it differently, as all eyes are once again on him, as the Rajput from Azamgarh could be the king maker in UP in 2012.
So what went wrong in a relationship that had stood the test of time. Amar Singh and Mulayam Singh were inseparable, but blood is thicker than water. The frustration of Mulayam's family over Amar Singh had been building since 2007. But things only got worse after the 2009 Lok Sabha election. SP losing out any kind of bargaining power in the Centre, while its main opposition party the BSP was ruling roost in UP.
People blame Amar Singh for bringing in Dimple and infighting that led to SP losing the prestigious Firozabad seat. But didnt the very same people realise that they were anyways heading for disaster by making Akhilesh contest from two seats of Kannauj and Firozabad. Akhilesh would have won both seats which he did, but the big question is that who would they give the ticket to when Akhilesh would vacate a seat. The SP leadership tried to take the easier way out by postponing a tough decision, hoping that things would sort themselves out on their own. The result was disastrous, the SP had to fight the Firozabad byelection with the BSP at the helm in the state. If they had given the ticket to someone else during the Lok Sabha elections, they would still have been better off as the political situation would have been much more neutral that it is in a byelection where the ruling party in the state normally has the upper hand.
Why blame Amar Singh when atleast three former MLA's of the SP from the area were instrumental in ensuring that people once again had to relive the days of SP's goondaraj during the Firozabad byelection. Apart from their image, what happened to all the money that Amar Singh had sent for the election while he was recuperating in Singapore. Can the SP wrong or even question Amar Singh's integrity in any way for his role in the byelection ?
Now to the moot question, yes its true that Amar Singh did influence the SP to such an extent that when Mulayam was taking oath in 2003 as Chief Minister of UP, people were witnessing a different Samajwad or Socialism than the one they were used to. Sahara's entire fleet had the likes of the Bachchans, Ambanis and the Nandas driving to the ceremony. The Uttar Pradesh Development Corporation and the Dadri Power Project were brain child of Amar Singh. Sadly both were non starters, Dadri is nowhere near starting while UPDC was scrapped by the BSP regime.
Kalyan Singh was perhaps Amar Singh's biggest blunder, but he did have some correct arithmetic to it. Knowing fully well that the BJP was finished and the Muslim vote was no longer as loyal to the SP. he did try to get the OBC Rajput formula going for the SP. But with muslims voting enmasse for the Congress, Amar Singh had to bear the brunt of it. So the old guard within the SP got together and started a campaign for the party to get back to its Socialist leanings that had made it a darling with the masses. Which in operational terms meant, get rid of Amar Singh.
Ram Gopal Yadav is just the face of that campaign, and Amar Singh realised the futility of his continuing with a party where he is doing all he can and is yet criticised for not doing enough. So will Amar Singh join the Congress. No, as there are few takers for him in the Congress. The best bet is for him to be on his own, and it may not take very long for Amar Singh to float his own outfit. He has the money and supporters to contest atleast 60 seats in the UP assembly election in 2012, and can even get 20 candidates elected. He could be the Raj Thackeray of the SP in the next election and anyone who stakes claim to the next Govt in UP will need his support. Amar Singh can easily tie up with NCP, Left and other regional parties and get a national status like Shankar Sinh Vaghela had after he brought down the BJP Govt in Gujarat in the 1990's. Vaghela's RJP fared badly in the next election and he or Bapu as he is fondly called was referred to as a leader without a party. But Amar Singh could do it differently, as all eyes are once again on him, as the Rajput from Azamgarh could be the king maker in UP in 2012.
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